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Southwest
Voter Registration Education Project, et al. v. Kevin Shelley, California
Secretary of State (Case No. 03-56498)
Amicus
Curiae
I believe that I am
bringing “to the attention of the Court relevant matter not already brought to
its attention by the parties may be of considerable help to the Court.” Rule
37(1), Rules of the Supreme Court of the U.S.
I am a
freelance journalist who has been covering the issue of voting technology and
democracy for the past year. I believe that I am the foremost expert in this
field. I wish it were someone with more credentials than a BA in political
science from Temple University (1976). My articles and reporter's notes can be
found at http://www.ecotalk.org/VotingSecurity.htm
Lynn Landes
217 S. Jessup Street
Philadelphia, PA 19107
(215) 629-3553
The court
has been presented with a false set of choices by plaintiffs - that other voting
technologies are more secure than the punchcard system. That does not appear to
be the case. The CalTech/MIT Voting Technology Project (Attachment 1), the most
comprehensive and independent analysis of voting systems to date, indicates that
touchscreen machines (DRE) are more likely to loose votes than the
punchcard voting system, which appellants have disparaged in
their declarations. Plaintiffs have made it clear in their public
statements that they want the election delayed until March so that counties
may purchase and install touchscreen machines. Henry E. Brady, who provided
expert testimony in this case, issued a study in September 2001 that was funded
by Sequoia Voting Systems, considered to be the third largest voting systems
company in the United States. At the time of Dr. Brady’s separate study for
this lawsuit, only one county (Riverside) in California was using Touchscreens.
Yet, in Dr. Brady’s “declaration”
Figure 1, Residual Vote Rate in 2000 in California by Type of Voting System, he
puts all types of systems at the same percentage of residual (lost) votes except
punchcards. The rates may or may
not be correct, but the small sampling provided by Riverside, does not reflect
an accurate picture of the problems experienced nationwide with touchscreen
machines, particularly in the 2002 elections. (Attachment
2)
The court
has also been presented a false choice by defendants, that the election should
be held on October 7, 2003 because time is more important than how the election
is run. Democracy is not on a stopwatch, where time is more important than
how the race is won. And how the race is won, is at issue.
To my
knowledge, no study addresses the statistical probability of vote tampering
or manipulation (i.e., vote fraud) compared to the degree of sophistication of
each type of voting technology. Although, common knowledge and logic, may
indicate that the more sophisticated the technology, the greater ability, if not
likelihood, of vote tampering or technical failure.
There are
three steps to the voting process: the voter's selection of a
candidate (example: a checkmark next to a candidate's name), casting the
vote (example: putting the ballot into the ballot box), and counting the vote.
The first step should be concealed, but the second two steps must be open
to public observance and inspection. Sophisticated technology makes it
impossible for the public, poll watchers, or Federal Observers to observe
whether the casting and counting of the vote is done properly. To my
knowledge, it also makes impossible, or at least discourages, a voter's
right or ability to write-in a candidate's name on a ballot.
REQUEST:
I request
that, whenever the election does take place, the court prohibit the use of any
voting technology that is more sophisticated than a pencil and paper, because the
use of sophisticated voting technology violates a citizen's right to vote and to
have that vote counted properly under the U.S. Constitution, The Voting Rights
Act, and federal law. The use of sophisticated voting technology
introduces concealment and secrecy to that part of the voting process that
depends on public oversight and inspection in order to ensure an honest
election.
Background:
Since the
first use of the lever voting machine in Lockport, New York in 1892, voting
machines have slowly but surely taken over the process of casting and
counting the vote from the public, and therefore concealed that process
from poll watchers and Federal Observers. While most of the world's citizens
still use paper and pencil to select and elect their political leaders, about 1%
of Americans have their votes hand-cast and hand-counted. Not only are our votes
being cast and counted by technology, those who control that technology are,
for the most part, private corporations. Even if the government controlled the voting
process, the concealment inherent in the use of sophisticated voting technology is
unconstitutional. To make matters worse, there is no federal government agency
that has regulatory authority over the elections industry. Anyone can own a
vote systems company, felon or foreigner, office holder or political
candidate. Conflicts-of-interest or monopolistic business practices
do not apply to voting systems companies. As the
situation stands today, three corporations (Election Systems and Software
- ES&S, Diebold, and Sequoia) sell and service the machines and
software that counts about 80% of the electronic vote in the U.S.. ES&S,
the nation's largest voting company, is owned by the Omaha World Herald Company. Senator
Chuck Hagel (R-NE) was the past president of American Information Systems, the
company that counted the votes in his first election. AIS then merged with Business
Records Corporation to form ES&S, which then proceeded to count
the votes in Senator Hagel's second election. At that time, it has
been reported, that the Senator had a substantial financial interest in the
company. Sequoia is owned by De La Rue, a British-based company whose machines
will count the votes in more California counties than any other company in
the upcoming recall election. De La Rue is the world's largest
commercial security printer and papermaker and owns a 20% stake in Camelot, the
operator of the Great Britain's National Lottery. The
Internet voting business is dominated by two corporations: Accenture, which
is based in the British territory of Bermuda, and VoteHere from
Seattle, Washington. The U.S. Department of Defense recently awarded a coalition
of corporations, led by Accenture, the contract to provide the
Internet service that will count the votes of the U.S. military and
other civilians in the 2004 presidential election. As many as 6
million voters could use their system. Accenture was formally
known as Andersen Consulting. The current Chairman of VoteHere, the leading
worldwide supplier of Internet voting technology, is Admiral Bill Owens, a
former senior military assistant to both Secretaries of Defense Frank Carlucci
and Dick Cheney. Ex-CIA director Robert Gates, who was caught up in the Iran
Contra scandal, also sits on the VoteHere board. But
there are many other corporations that work with the top voting companies: Microsoft,
Dell, Cisco and various military defense companies, such as Northrop Grumman,
General Dynamics, Unisys, National Semiconductor, and (Ross) Perot Systems
Government Services. Populex is creating an electronic voting system for
Illinois. It has on its advisory board, Frank Carlucci of The Carlyle
Group. The boards of many of these companies are dominated by top
donors to the Republican Party, former high ranking military officers, and
several ex-CIA directors. The CIA directors include: James Woolsey, Bobby
Ray Inman, and John Deutch, and as mentioned before, Robert Gates and Frank
Carlucci. The CIA, it should be remembered, has a decades-long track
record of assisting in the brutal overthrow of democratically elected
governments around the world. There are no mandatory federal standards that apply to
this industry. The standards and certification process that does exist lies
in the hands of an industry friendly organization called the National
Association of Election Directors (NASED). As it is, the elections industry has
declared its software proprietary, therefore not open to inspection by anyone
other than the three NASED-appointed inspectors. Even if the software were
open to inspection, technology experts agree that there are an endless variety
of ways to manipulate votes and remain undetected. There is a long history of
voting irregularities using voting technology. (Attachment 2) Even in the
absence of any such history, the potential for abuse is enough to prohibit
the use of sophisticated technology. And the more sophisticated the technology,
the greater the opportunity for vote fraud or technical failure.
QUESTIONS:
What
is a vote? In
Bush v. Gore, the Supreme Court said that, A "legal vote," as
determined by the Supreme Court, is "one in which there is a 'clear
indication of the intent of the voter.'" Sophisticated voting
technology reflects the action of the technology first, and the intent of
the voter, maybe.
What
process ensures a fair election under federal law?
The voter must be able to personally cast their vote without relying on
technology any more sophisticated than a paper and pencil; they then must
be able to deposit their paper ballot into a box; lastly, poll
watchers and Federal Observers must be allowed to observe paper
ballots being hand-counted by election officials at the local precinct.
What
violations of federal law occur through the use of sophisticated technology?
When machines are in the voting booth, or through the use of Internet
technology, three violations of federal law take place: inability to
observe if voting machines properly register votes; inability
to observe if voting machines properly count votes; inability to
enforce the Voting Rights Act, because of the inability to observe if
voting machines are properly registering or counting votes.
Why
must the vote be on paper and readable? An electronic image or paper tab that is produced
by machines is evidence of what the machine did, but perhaps not what the voter
intended; an electronic image or paper tab that is produced by
machines does not constitute "hard" evidence of the voter's intention,
but circumstantial evidence; without a readable paper ballot, the voter can't
verify that they, in fact, voted and who they voted for; and lastly, in order to
observe the original count and to observe any possible recounts.
Why
must the ballots be counted at the local precinct?
Counting the ballots at the local precinct is necessary to ensure against
vote tampering or accidental loss in the eventual transfer of ballots to a
central location. A local count is also needed to keep the public in
the process, so that local poll watchers can monitor the count, and
for Federal Observers to perform their duties under federal law.
Why
must paper ballots be hand counted? Any type of machine used to scan paper ballots is
not observable and therefore violates federal law. Mechanical, electronic,
online, or computerized vote tabulation is an open doors to vote
manipulation or technical failure.
Does
federal law prohibit the use of voting machines and Internet technology?
Yes, in that all machines, including Internet technology, by their very
design constitute concealment and therefore an inability for poll watchers to
watch or for federal observers to observe that part of the voting
process (the casting and counting of votes) that must be observable in
order to ensure a fair election. The actual candidate selection is the only part
of the voting process that should be concealed.
What
about the role of voting technology to prevent over-voting or under-voting, or
other types of mishaps? In addition to the constant issue of concealment, there is
also the need to spread or minimize the risk of mishap or malfeasance.
Individuals may make mistakes or attempt vote fraud in the selection,
casting, and counting of ballots, but those mistakes or malfeasance, when
applied to paper ballots that are hand-cast and hand-counted, are spread across
a large population of individuals. There are millions of voters and thousands of
poll watchers that can and will make mistakes. However, through voting
technology, mistakes or malfeasance is concentrated in the hands of a relatively
few individuals (i.e., putting all the eggs in one basket).
Does
it matter who controls the technology, business people or government employees? Yes and no. The privatization of the voting
process, including the registration of voters and the voting process itself, is
not in the public's interest on its face. Voting is the centerpiece of a
democratic republic and therefore is not a service that should be outsourced or
trusted to the private sector. However, neither government employees and
business people should be trusted with sophisticated voting technology that
could be used to engage in vote tampering, or vulnerable to programming
error and/or technical failure.
What
about the role of voting technology to count the vote quicker or encourage voter
participation? Our constitutional guarantee to vote and to have our votes counted
properly cannot be trumped by convenience or the promise of greater
voter participation. The United States is the world's leader in the
use of sophisticated voting technology and holds last place for voter
participation, around 30% for off-year elections.
What
about the role of voting technology to assist the disabled? It
has not been proven, to my knowledge, that the disabled cannot cast a
secret vote without using sophisticated voting technology. But if that were
the case, the question becomes: should the disabled community's ability to cast
a secret vote trump the public's right to know that all votes are cast and
counted properly? No, if sophisticated voting technology is allowed to
capture any segment of the voting population, such as the disabled, the
real effect is to transfer to those individuals who control the voting
technology, that population of voters. There are millions of disabled voters.
Controlling their votes could provide the margin of victory in any number of
elections. It is in the public's interest and in conformity to federal law, to provide
the disabled physical with assistance, if needed, therefore spreading the risk
of vote tampering or mishap, across a large population of individuals, rather
than allowing those who control technology to control the vote. The sacrifice of a
secret vote does not trump the public's right to know that all votes are cast
and counted properly. There is also mounting evidence that the use of technology
does not provide for real secrecy in the voting booth, in any case. Voting
technology has been counting votes in order of the arrival of the voter in the
polling precinct since lever machines were first introduced in the 1892, and
optical scanners in 1964. So that to some extent a secret vote has not been
guaranteed for quite some time. With regard to using the Internet and
casting a secret ballot, voting security expert Dr. Rebecca Mercuri
(2001) notes, "Encryption provides no assurance of privacy or accuracy of
ballots cast. Cryptographic systems, even strong ones, can be cracked or hacked,
thus leaving the ballot contents along with the identity of the voter open to
perusal."
Do
voting machines deny candidates the right to a legitimate recount?
Yes, the paper trails produced, even by the old fashioned lever machines, are
circumstantial evidence of a vote; a record of what the machine did, not
the voter. According to Dr. Rebecca Mercuri, "Any programmer can write
code that displays one thing on a screen, records something else, and prints yet
another result. There is no known way to ensure that this is not happening
inside of a voting system."
The
right to have your vote cast and counted properly has been affirmed in
the following three cases:
Enforcement
of the Voting Rights Act under the Fourteen and Fifteenth Amendment is
at the heart of the constitutional issue involving the use of sophisticated
voting technology.
15th
Amendment (1870): http://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/constitution.amendmentxv.html Section
1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or
abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or
previous condition of servitude. Section 2. The Congress shall have power to
enforce this article by appropriate legislation. The role of Federal Observers originates with the
15th Amendment and the Voting Rights Act. The
Voting Rights Act of 1965,
SEC. 2, states, "No voting qualification or prerequisite to
voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any
State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of
the United States to vote on account of race or color." http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/voting/intro/intro_b.htm)
Regarding the
14th Amendment, voting machines and technology constitute a secret or
'concealed' registration and tabulation of the vote which cannot be observed by Federal
Examiners (as authorized under federal law), which makes the examiner's
role in that regard - moot, and federal law - unenforceable. Therefore, all
voting machines may be a violation of U.S. Code: Title 42 - The Public Health
and Welfare, Chapter 20 - Elective Franchise, Subchapter I-A Enforcement of
Voting Rights, Sec. 1973. The use of mechanical, electric, and/or computer
devices that by their very design and structure "conceal" vote casting
and/or counting and therefore cannot be observed to ensure accuracy, is
an apparent violation of the following: U.S.
Code: http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/42/ch20.html
CHAPTER 20 - ELECTIVE
FRANCHISE http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/42/1973f.html
Sec. 1973f. - "Observers at
elections; assignment; duties; reports: Whenever an examiner is serving
under subchapters I-A to I-C of this title in any political subdivision, the
Director of the Office of Personnel Management may assign, at the request of the
Attorney General, one or more persons, who may be officers of the United States,
(1) to enter and attend at any
place for holding an election in such subdivision for the purpose of observing
whether persons who are entitled to vote are being permitted
to vote, and (2) to enter
and attend at any place for tabulating the votes cast at any election held in
such subdivision for the purpose of observing whether votes cast by persons
entitled to vote are being properly tabulated.
Such persons so assigned shall report to an examiner appointed for such
political subdivision, to the Attorney General, and if the appointment of
examiners has been authorized pursuant to section 1973a(a)
of this title, to the court."
Under http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/42/1973i.html
Sec. 1973i. Prohibited acts: (a) Failure
or refusal to permit casting or tabulation of vote (d) Falsification or concealment
of material facts or giving of false statements in matters within
jurisdiction of examiners or hearing officers; penalties.
Whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of an examiner or hearing officer
knowingly and willfully falsifies or conceals a
material fact, or makes any false, fictitious, or fraudulent statements or
representations, or makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same
to contain any false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry, shall be
fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.
Federal
observers have several obstacles in the course of enforcing voting rights
protections in regards to voting machines including, but not limited to the
following: 1) the physical inability to observe what goes on inside of a voting
machine, 2) the voting machine companies have declared "proprietary"
or "trade secret" rights as legal grounds for not allowing inspections
of machines, 2) inspections that have been allowed on voting machines discovered
a source codes that were indecipherable, 3) voting machines that use modems
can manipulate voting results during an election from remote locations, even
from satellites. Other mechanisms exist to electronically manipulate voting
machines before or after an election.
Interlocking
issues include: the right to contest an election; the right to a recount; and
the right to paper ballots.
ROUDEBUSH
v. HARTKE, 405 U.S. 15 (1972) is
about the right to contest an election. The Court said, "Art. I,
4, empowers the States to regulate the conduct of senatorial elections. 21
This Court has recognized the breadth of those powers: "It
cannot be doubted that these comprehensive words embrace authority to provide a
complete code for congressional elections, not only as to times and places, but
in relation to notices, registration, supervision of voting, protection of
voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, counting of votes, duties of
inspectors and canvassers, and making and publication
of election returns; in short, to enact the numerous requirements as to
procedure and safeguards which experience shows are necessary in order to
enforce the [405 U.S. 15, 25] fundamental
right involved." Smiley v. Holm, 285
U.S. 355, 366 . "A recount
is an integral part of the Indiana electoral process and is within the ambit of
the broad powers delegated to the States by Art. I, 4. -
"The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof;
but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except
as to the places of choosing Senators." Nevertheless,
the recount supersedes the initial count even
though a certificate of election may have been issued. 29-5415."
This is not directly related
to voting machines vs paper ballots, however, it does establish the right to a
recount of ballots. Most voting technology does not provide
a paper ballot. In any event, the ballots or paper trails produced,
even by the old fashioned lever machines, are a record of what the machine
did, not the voter.
U.S. Code, Title 1 Chapter 1
Sec. 5. Determination of controversy as to appointment of electors http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/3/5.html "If
any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day fixed for the
appointment of the electors, for its final determination of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any
of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or
procedures, and such determination shall have been made at least six days before
the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pursuant
to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prior to said
time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the
counting of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitution, and as
hereinafter regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by
such State is concerned."
U.S. Code, Title 1 Chapter 1
Sec. 6. - Credentials of electors; transmission to Archivist of the United
States and to Congress; public inspection http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/3/6.html It
shall be the duty of the executive of each State, as soon as practicable after
the conclusion of the appointment of the electors in such State by the final
ascertainment, under and in pursuance of the laws of such State providing for
such ascertainment, to communicate by registered mail under the seal of the
State to the Archivist of the United States a certificate of such ascertainment
of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and the
canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such State of the number of
votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment any and all votes have
been given or cast; and it shall also thereupon be the duty of the executive of
each State to deliver to the electors of such State, on or before the day on
which they are required by section 7
of this title to meet, six duplicate-originals of the same certificate under the
seal of the State; and if there shall have been
any final determination in a State in the manner provided for by law of a
controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any of the electors
of such State, it shall be the duty of the executive of such State, as soon as
practicable after such determination, to communicate under the seal of the State
to the Archivist of the United States a certificate of such determination in
form and manner as the same shall have been made; and the certificate or
certificates so received by the Archivist of the United States shall be
preserved by him for one year and shall be a part of the public records of his
office and shall be open to public inspection; and the Archivist of the
United States at the first meeting of Congress thereafter shall transmit to the
two Houses of Congress copies in full of each and every such certificate so
received at the National Archives and Records Administration
In over
98% of all elections, technology is being used to cast and count votes.
Americans have lost to technology, the right to vote and to have that vote
counted properly. Democracy is purported to be for, of, and by the people. As it
stands today in America, voting technology and those who control it are
voting for our political leaders, not the people.
ATTACHMENT 1
Excerpts from:
REPORT OF THE CALTECH/MIT VOTING TECHNOLOGY PROJECT
http://www.vote.caltech.edu/Reports/july01/July01_VTP_%20Voting_Report_Entire.pdf
(page 20)
How Much Does Voting
Equipment Contribute to Lost Votes?
Residual Votes and Lost
Votes
Residual votes—the number
of uncounted, unmarked, and spoiled ballots—provide a yardstick for measuring
the effect of different machine types on the incidence of lost votes. BALLOTS
THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THE RESIDUAL VOTES
RESIDUAL VOTES = Uncounted
ballots + Unmarked ballots + "Overvoted ballots"
Over the past four
presidential elections, the rate of residual votes in presidential elections was
slightly over two percent. This means that in a typical presidential election
over two million voters did not have a presidential vote recorded for their
ballots. The presidential race is the "top of the ticket." The rate of
residual votes is even higher down the ballot—five percent for Senate and
gubernatorial elections. In other words, almost five million votes are not
recorded for other prominent statewide offices.
(page 21)
A ballot may show no vote
because the machine failed to record the voter’s preferences, because the
voter made a mistake or was confused, or because the voter did not wish to vote
for that office. The first two reasons would mean lost votes. The third would
not be a lost vote, but would be a correct recording of the voter’s
preferences. It is difficult to judge intentions, but exit polls suggest
approximately thirty percent of residual votes are intentional. This implies
that 1.5 million presidential votes are lost each election; 3.5 million votes
for governor and senator are lost each cycle.
A more conservative measure
of the number of votes lost due to equipment is the number of ballots for which
voters chose more than one candidate—an overvote. We focus on residual votes
because the distinction of overvotes from other kinds of errors is a false one.
Technology can enable or
interfere with voting in many ways. Lost votes are not just a matter of
preventing someone from accidentally voting twice. Vote loss can happen because
of machine failures. Vote loss also happens because ballot designs or user
interfaces confuse voters or even obscure how to vote. Ballot and user interface
design is perhaps the most important cause of vote loss, and different types of
technology rely on specific types of ballots and user interfaces.
Whatever the cause, the
residual vote rate should not depend on what equipment is used. But it does.
The Relationship
between Voting Equipment and Residual Votes
A simple table reveals the
extent to which equipment affects the number of votes lost. Table 1 presents the
residual votes in presidential elections and in Senate and gubernatorial
elections as a percent of all ballots cast over the past decade.
Table 1
RESIDUAL(lost)
VOTES AS A PERCENT OF ALL BALLOTS CAST, 1988-2000
(RESIDUAL VOTES = Uncounted ballots + Unmarked ballots + "Overvoted
ballots")
**this table has been rearranged by Lynn Landes of www.EcoTalk.org
to demonstrate more readily which systems perform the best)
Machine Type |
President |
Governor & Senator |
% of votes lost on average |
Optical Scan |
1.5 |
3.5 |
2.5 |
Paper Ballot |
1.8 |
3.3 |
2.55 |
Punch Card |
2.5 |
4.7 |
3.6 |
Electronic (DRE) |
2.3 |
5.9 |
4.1 |
Lever Machine |
1.5 |
7.6 |
4.55 |
The figures in Table 1
reveal a striking pattern. Some technologies consistently perform well on
average, and some technologies have excessively high rates of residual votes. In
particular, paper ballot systems tend to show lower residual votes than lever
machines and electronic machines. To the extent that there is an exception to
this pattern it arises with punch cards.
Optically scanned paper and
hand-counted paper ballots have consistently shown the best average performance.
Scanners have the lowest rate of uncounted, unmarked, and spoiled ballots in
presidential races and in Senate and gubernatorial races. Counties using optical
scanning have averaged a residual vote rate of 1.5 percent in presidential
elections and 3.5 percent in Senate and gubernatorial elections over the past
twelve years. Hand-counted paper has shown similarly low residual vote rates.
Punch cards, the other paper
based system, lose at least 50 percent more votes than optically scanned paper
ballots. Punch cards have averaged a residual vote rate of 2.5 percent in
presidential elections and 4.7 percent down the ballot. Over thirty million
voters used punch cards in the 2000 election. Had those voters used optical
scanning there would have been 300,000 more votes recorded in the 2000
presidential election nation-wide and 420,000 more votes in Senate and
gubernatorial elections. Counties using paper ballot systems should choose
either traditional hand counting or optical scanning in order to lower the
number of lost votes.
(page 23)
Machine voting, on the
whole, has performed significantly worse than the paper systems. Lever machines
lost relatively few votes in the past four presidential elections, averaging a
residual vote rate of 1.5 percent. Electronic machines lost nearly as much as
punch cards, averaging 2.3 percent over the past four elections. The more severe
problems appear down the ballot with these technologies, and here we see real
concern with the continued use of lever machines. In recent Senate and
gubernatorial elections, the average residual vote rates of lever machines and
electronic machines were 7.6 percent and 5.9 percent, respectively, of all
ballots cast. Had the counties using lever machines used optical scanning, we
estimate that there would have been 830,000 more votes recorded in Senate and
gubernatorial elections.
These patterns hold up to
closer statistical scrutiny, holding constant turnout, income, racial
composition of counties, age distributions of counties, literacy rates, the year
of a shift in technology, the number of offices and candidates on the ballot,
and other factors that operate in a county or in a particular year. For a fuller
discussion see our report "Residual Votes Attributable to Technology: An
Assessment of the Reliability of Existing Voting Equipment," available at
www.vote.caltech.edu.
The immediate implication of
our analysis is that the U.S. can lower the number of lost votes in 2004 by
replacing punch cards and lever machines with optical scanning. Punch cards and
levers are, in our assessment, dominated technologies. That is, there are voting
technologies available today that are superior, from the perspective of lost
votes. Scanners consistently perform better than punch cards and levers. We also
believe that optical scanning dominates older full-faced, push button DREs,
which comprise fully two-thirds of the electronic machines in our analysis.
Touchscreens are, in our opinion, still unproven. Some counties, like Riverside,
California, have had good experiences; other counties like Beaver County,
Pennsylvania, and many counties in New Mexico had very high residual vote rates
(over five percent in 2000).
This is not to say that
optical scanning is an ideal system. It has plenty of faults and problems. This
system also loses a significant number of ballots, though less on average than
other systems. Election officials complain of paper jams, the cost of printing,
and ballot management. Scanning is imperfect, but it is the best of what is.
ATTACHMENT 2
Election Fraud and Irregularities - BY YEAR
(compilation by Lynn Landes)
2.
1970s-1980s Ohio -The Cincinnati Bell-FBI scandal -
The following are excerpts from the Cincinnati Post
of October, 30th, 1987: Cincinnati
Bell security supervisors ordered wire-taps installed on county computers before
elections in the late 1970s and early 1980s that could have allowed vote totals
to be altered, a former Bell employee says in a sworn court document. Leonard
Gates, a 23-year Cincinnati Bell employee until he was fired in 1986, claims in
a deposition filed Thursday in Hamilton County Common Pleas Court to have
installed the wire-taps. Cincinnati Bell officials denied Gates’ allegations
that are part of a six-year-old civil suit that contends the elections computer
is subject o manipulation and fraud.
Gates claims a security supervisor for the telephone company told him
in 1979 that the firm had obtained a computer program through the FBI that gave
it access to the county computer used to count votes.
http://www.ecotalk.org/Pandora'sBlackBox.htm
3.
1970 Florida -
Dade County. This is the election that started the Collier brothers on a
decades-long investigation of computer vote-rigging and the major news networks
complicity. On election day the networks claimed that the courthouse computer
broke down. Before the breakdown candidate Ken Collier had 31% of the vote. 20
minutes later, the network reported that Collier had only 16%. The Colliers
claim that election night computer breakdowns, followed by a sharp drop-off in
votes for certain candidates, were a pattern repeating itself across the
country. They later alleged in court that three University of Miami computer
professors conspired with election officials and news network officials to rig
elections in Florida. "One voting machine was used to accurately project
(100% of the time) the entire election involving some 40 races and more than 250
candidates." http://www.votescam.com/frame.html
(VoteScam: The Stealing of America)
4.
1970 South
Carolina - "In the first election I witnessed in South Carolina (it was 1970, I
believe), a voting machine broke down in one of the largest black precincts in
Charleston. It was in the middle of the morning rush. There were no replacement
machines available, and while a repairman worked on the problem for a couple of
hours, several hundred African-Americans eventually left the precinct without
getting the chance to vote. I became righteously indignant, as I often was in
those days, but my Charleston friends were philosophical. It happens every
election, they told me. And so it did. Never the same precinct. Never the same
time of day. Never the same problem with the machine. But for many elections
afterward, somewhere in Charleston on election day, a voting machine in a black
precinct would break down for an hour or two. Once is an accident. Twice is
incredibly bad luck. Three times or more is a plan." http://www.safero.org/columns/unwrapped34.html
5.
1972 Florida -
Dade County. The election was a repeat of 1970 (see above) although Ken Collier
was not a candidate this time. http://www.votescam.com/frame.html
(VoteScam: The Stealing of America)
6.
1974 Florida -
Dade County. The Collier brothers discover that the Printomatic voting machines
contain pre-printed vote tabulations. Thousands of precinct workers walk out in
protest, but the news media plays down the story. Both local authorities (Dade
County attorney Janet Reno) and the Department of Justice under current election
crimes chief, Craig DonSanto, refuse to investigate even though there have long
been widespread rumors of rampant election fraud in Dade. http://www.votescam.com/frame.html
(VoteScam: The Stealing of America)
7.
1980 Florida -
History repeats itself again and again and again. "Undervotes"--the
failure of votes to register on a voted ballot--occurred on about 10,000 ballots
in Palm Beach County this year, where Vice President Al Gore has strong support.
In 1988, in MacKay's four Democratic stronghold counties, there were 210,000
people who voted for president but did not vote in the U.S. Senate race. In
a comparable U.S. Senate race in a presidential-election year--1980--in the same
four counties, three out of every 100 presidential voters did not vote for
senator. http://www.notablesoftware.com/Press/Dugger1.html
9.
1980 West
Virginia - Following the general election of November, 1980, three defeated
candidates charged gross violations of election laws in Kanawha County, the
county in which Charleston is located. According to an article on June 2, 1981
in the Charleston Gazette [42], Darlene Kay Dotson, an employee in the
office of the County Clerk, had stated in a deposition taken for Underwood's
suit that the ballots from the election in question had been run through the
computer on the day after the election to get "precinct-by-precinct
reports." ...Appeals of the dismissal were similarly dismissed, and the
U.S. Supreme Court announced on February 24, 1987 its refusal to hear the case. http://www.ecotalk.org/VotingMachines-SaltmanReport.htm
11.
1983-87 Illinois
- "Saltman’s 1988 report cited an extensive
series of tests of the computer counting systems used in Illinois from 1983-87
which tested tens of thousands of ballots instead of the usual three or four
dozen used in most pre-election tests. In the Illinois test series, it was
discovered that significant errors in the computers’ basic counting
instructions were found in 20% of the tests. In
1988, Michael Harty, the Illinois director of voting systems and standards,
pointed out that these gross "tabulation-program errors" would not
have been caught by election authorities and lamented to the New Yorker. "At
one point, we had tabulation errors in 28% of the systems tested, and nobody
cared"." http://www.ecotalk.org/Pandora'sBlackBox.htm /
The Illinois State Board of Elections, Division of Voting Systems, under the
direction of Michael L. Harty, has undertaken tests of vote-counting computer
systems. Between 1983 and 1987, the division conducted 48 tests of the automatic
tabulating equipment and computer programs in 41 election jurisdictions. The
tests have involved anywhere from 1,000 to 65,000 test ballots. The division
found apparent computer program tabulation errors in 11 of the election
jurisdictions tested. http://www.ecotalk.org/VotingMachines-SaltmanReport.htm
20.
1984 Maryland -
On November 8, two days after the Tuesday, November 6, 1984 general election,
and in accordance with the rules of the Maryland State Administrative Board of
Election Laws (SABEL), voted punch card ballots from two districts of Carroll
County were taken to a neighboring county, Frederick, to be rerun on an
independently-managed system. It was clear from these reruns that one of the
computers used was in error in determining the outcome of a contest between
Wayne Cogswell and incumbent T. Edward Lippy, for Carroll County School Board.
Manual counts of the votes on ballots from both Frederick and Carroll Counties
showed that the Carroll County computer was the one that was incorrect. The
initial but unofficial count, made public on the evening of the election, had
incorrectly indicated that Cogswell was the winner. An investigation, undertaken
the next day (November 9) by Craig Jester, a county computer program contractor,
demonstrated that a wrong utility computer program for reading the ballot cards
had been used. According to a July 11, 1985 story by Chris Guy in the Carroll
County Times referring to the court-ordered recount, "...defeated
candidate Wayne Cogswell had verification that use of an incorrect computer
program caused a nearly 13,000-vote mistake in the unofficial totals released
election night." http://www.ecotalk.org/VotingMachines-SaltmanReport.htm
26.
1985 Texas -
03/26/1987 The Dallas Morning News The Texas secretary of state's office has
decided to assign a computer expert and a lawyer as inspectors for the Dallas
city elections on April 4 to check the county's computerized tabulating
equipment. A spokesman for the office said Wednesday that the assignments were
made after a briefing by the state attorney general's office, which has been
investigating allegations of vote fraud in the tabulating system used in the
1985 mayor's race. Dallas County District Attorney John Vance said Monday that
the attorney general's office has asked his staff for assistance in the
investigation, which centers on the reliability of the vote-counting machines
and whether they are vulnerable to fraud through subtle changes in computer
programs. http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html also
in http://www.ecotalk.org/VotingMachines-SaltmanReport.htm
28.
1986 Georgia
11/07 - Atlanta Journal Constitution Computer troubles have been blamed for
ballot discrepancies in a race that state Sen. Donn Peevy (D-Gwinnett) lost by
eight votes. Frances Duncan, director of the state Election Division in the
secretary of state's office, said Thursday a partial recount showed 400 fewer
ballots cast in the Cates D precinct, 70 more ballots cast in the Dacula
precinct, and 44 more ballots cast in the Lawrenceville precinct. The recount
was started Wednesday night at the request of the Republican victor, former
Lawrenceville Mayor Steve Pate, but was halted when the discrepancies appeared,
said county Elections Superintendent Lloyd Harris. Harris blamed the problem on
the computer used to recount the votes. He said an official from a California
computer firm will fly to Georgia on Monday to make necessary program changes,
and the recount won't be completed until early next week. http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
37.
1988 Florida - History repeats itself again and again and
again. "Undervotes"--the
failure of votes to register on a voted ballot--occurred on about 10,000 ballots
in Palm Beach County this year, where Vice President Al Gore has strong support.
In 1988, in MacKay's four Democratic stronghold counties, there were 210,000
people who voted for president but did not vote in the U.S. Senate race. In a
comparable U.S. Senate race in a presidential-election year--1980--in the same
four counties, three out of every 100 presidential voters did not vote for
senator; in 1988, 14 of every 100 did not. In the entire state of Florida,
excluding the four MacKay counties, fewer than one of 100 presidential
voters--25,000--were not recorded as also voting in the Senate race. Three of
the MacKay counties in 1988 are among Gore's big four recount counties. MacKay
believed "very strongly" that the Senate election was stolen from him.
He suspected, as a reason for the vote drop-off, the use, in the questioned
counties, of a ballot layout that crowded the Senate race onto the bottom of the
same page with the presidential race. The voting electorate for president
dropped to 86% for the Senate, then jumped back up to 97% for secretary of
state. Suspecting, too, "a problem in the [computerized vote-counting]
software," MacKay asked that his campaign be permitted to examine it in
five counties, but was refused on grounds that it was the secret property of the
election-business companies. "A damned outrage," he said of this. http://www.notablesoftware.com/Press/Dugger1.html
MacKay's campaign "late" polls had him ahead by 5-9%, according to
Dugger in APR Reporter - Vol. 16, NO. 3
38.
1995 Louisiana - Republican Susan Bernecker, a popular first-time
challenger for Jefferson Parish Council went down to defeat by a 33% to 58%
margin. "In all of the 54 precincts the percentages were in the same one
third / two third range – even in ones that I didn’t get out and pound the
pavement". She
cites another female candidate in the Orleans Parish who got 33% of the vote in
every precinct. After the defeat, her suspicions aroused, Bernecker and a
producer friend went down to the warehouse where the Sequoia Pacific computers
had been taken after the election. She had her friend videotape her while she
pressed the button next to her name on the ballot. To her dismay, the name of
her primary opponent registered on a small LED located near the bottom of the
machine that most voters apparently do not notice, since, according to a Sequoia
Pacific official, it is two feet below the buttons. Bernecker
recounts pressing her name again and again on 12 machines and she discovered
that her name popped up in the LED only one out of every three times. The
machine was far less fickle when her opponent’s button was pressed, counting
his name faithfully every time but one, when the third-place candidate’s name
appeared. Bernecker, a civic activist and the
owner of a fitness and health center, cried foul, along with five other
candidates, who all sued the elections commissioner and the city of Baton Rouge.
The judge, who, only two days before the hearing, inexplicably replaced the
appointed judge (whom Bernecker considered to be fair) threw out the case the
same day. http://www.ecotalk.org/Pandora'sBlackBox.htm
39.
1995 Louisiana - ... Republican supporters of U.S. Senate candidate
Woody Jenkins ...cried foul in his election ...With only ten minutes left in the
count, and losing by a few thousand votes, Jenkins’ opponent suddenly surged
ahead with ten thousand votes that came out of the predominantly inner city
Orleans parish, which had been noted for low voter turnouts. But, in her local
paper it was said to have enjoyed a turnout of 105%! http://www.ecotalk.org/Pandora'sBlackBox.htm
40.
1996
Massachusetts - "One most recent example of a
local story with little or no national coverage was the November Democrat
Primary race for the Massachusetts’ 10th District seat in the U.S.
Congress, where challenger Philip Johnston – who had been declared the winner
over entrenched Democrat nominee, William Delahunt – lost the nomination on a
bizarre second recount. Johnston told Relevance: "The court looked at some disputed punchcard ballots which had
already been declared to be blank and the court declared them to be actual
votes." Suspiciously, 756 of the
968disputed punchcard ballots came out of the same community –Weymouth, Mass
– suggesting that either "Weymouthenians" are shamefully inferior
cardpunchers than their neighbors in the rest of the state, or someone may have
tampered with the ballots. The State’s Supreme Judicial Court examined the
suspect ballots to determine "voter intent" by detecting
"dimples" and other faint markings and somehow ended up awarding
469votes to Delahunt and 177 to Johnston, thereby reversing the latter’s
victory." http://www.ecotalk.org/Pandora'sBlackBox.htm
41.
1997 Florida
04/07 The Tampa Tribune - Bob Stamper, a 10-year state attorney investigator,
usually works on white-collar crime cases. But his investigation at the
supervisor of elections office involves no crime. Rather, the probe is focusing
on a ballot count that landed Republican Bruce L. Parker at the top of the heap
election night, but later unseated him in favor of Democrat Marlene Duffy Young
after a court-ordered hand recount. Todd Urosevich, a vice president of American
Information Systems [now ES&S], which made Polk's troubled ballot-counting
equipment, already has been interviewed by Stamper, and told Stamper his
machines were not responsible for the miscount. http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
42.
1998 Hawaii -
Faulty ES&S machines used in Hawaii's 1998 elections forced that state's
first-ever recount. The company paid $250,000 to settle contract disputes and
$280,000 to recount the ballots after complaints about poorly trained poll
watchers, malfunctioning voting machines and spoiled ballots. Nonetheless, the
state and ES&S have been negotiating a new eight-year contract to count
ballots in the next four elections, said Dwayne Yoshina, Hawaii's chief election
officer. Two other potential bidders dropped out of competition. http://starbulletin.com/2000/06/07/news/story3.html
43.
2000 Florida -
History repeats itself again and again and again. "Undervotes"--the
failure of votes to register on a voted ballot--occurred on about 10,000 ballots
in Palm Beach County this year, where Vice President Al Gore has strong support.
In 1988, in MacKay's four Democratic stronghold counties, there were 210,000
people who voted for president but did not vote in the U.S. Senate race. In a
comparable U.S. Senate race in a presidential-election year--1980--in the same
four counties, three out of every 100 presidential voters did not vote for
senator; in 1988, 14 of every 100 did not. In the entire state of Florida,
excluding the four MacKay counties, fewer than one of 100 presidential
voters--25,000--were not recorded as also voting in the Senate race. Three of
the MacKay counties in 1988 are among Gore's big four recount counties. http://www.notablesoftware.com/Press/Dugger1.html
44.
2000 Florida - An
entire precinct had been left uncounted. The ballots had been run through the
card reader, but the operator had pressed CLEAR instead of SET. (The recount
gave Gore +368, Bush +23.) In Deland, Volusia County, a disk glitch caused
16,000 votes to be subtracted from Gore and hundreds added to Bush in the
original totals. This was detected when 9,888 votes were noticed for the
Socialist Workers Party candidate, and a new disk was created. (The corrected
results were Gore 193, Bush 22, Harris 8.) In Pinellas County, election
workers were conducting a SECOND recount after the first recount gave Gore more
than 400 new votes. Some cards that were thought to have been counted were not.[
Source: Democrats tell of problems at the polls across Florida, The
New York Times, November 10, 2000, National Edition, p. A24] http://www.ejfi.org/Voting/Voting-9.htm
46.
2000 New Jersey
02/18/ THE RECORD, Northern New Jersey About 75 percent of the voting machines
in the city of Passaic failed to work when the polls opened on Election Day,
forcing an undetermined number of voters to use paper ballots during the morning
hours. An independent consultant who later examined the machines concluded the
problem was due to sabotage, which has led a Democratic freeholder to refer the
matter to the FBI. http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
47.
2000 Pennsylvania
11/14 - Pittsburgh Post Gazette City Councilwoman Valerie McDonald yesterday
called for an investigation of voting machine irregularities at polling places
in Lincoln-Lemington, Homewood and the East Hills last week, saying machines in
the city's 12th and 13th wards and other predominantly black neighborhoods were
malfunctioning for much of Election Day. McDonald said both machines at a
Lincoln-Lemington polling place were out of service for the first three hours,
driving away 50 voters. Several machines were in and out of service at 13th Ward
polling places in Homewood and East Hills, smoking and spitting out jammed and
crumpled paper and leaving poll workers to wait hours for repair by Allegheny
County elections division workers. Workers in the polling places "strongly
felt that the machines were intentionally programmed incorrectly ... and were
sabotaged," http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
48.
2000 Venezuela - Associated Press (AP) reporter Jessica Fargen
wrote in June 2000, "ES&S
has felt the most fallout from its problems in Venezuela, where that nation's
highest court suspended the May 28 elections because of technical glitches in
the cards used to tabulate votes. Dozens of protesters have chanted
"Gringos get out!" at ES&S technicians working in Venezuela's
election offices. The U.S. Embassy in Caracas has protested the treatment by
secret police of ES&S personnel, including alleged verbal and physical abuse
and threats. Venezuela sent an air force jet to Omaha to fetch computers and
experts in a last-ditch effort to fix the problem before the delay was ordered.
Venezuela's president and the head of the nation's election board accused
ES&S of trying to destabilize the country's electoral process." http://starbulletin.com/2000/06/07/news/story3.html
49.
2001 Texas 11/19
Houston Chronicle "We have a problem where voters are being turned away
from polls even though they have the proper identification," said Joe
Householder, spokesman for the Brown campaign. "A potential reason may be
that computers were down, but that is not an excuse. The law is pretty clear on
this." A computer problem cut off access to the county's voter registration
database for about one hour after polls opened Saturday afternoon, said Tony
Sirvello, administrator of elections for the Harris County Clerk's Office.
...the problem affected four polling sites: the Fiesta Mart on Kirby, the Spring
Branch Community Center, Kashmere Multi-Service Center and the Sunnyside
Multi-Service Center http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
50.
2002 Alabama - No
one at ES&S can explain the mystery votes that changed after polling places
had closed, flipping the election from the Democratic winner to a Republican in
the Alabama Governor's race. "Something happened. I don't have enough
intelligence to say exactly what," said Mark Kelley, of Election Systems
& Software. Baldwin County results showed that Democrat Don Siegelman earned
enough votes to win the state of Alabama. All the observers went home. The next
morning, however, 6,300 of Siegelman's votes inexplicably disappeared, and the
election was handed to Republican Bob Riley. A recount was requested, but
denied. The "glitch" is still being examined. (By a citizens group?)
No. (By a judge?) No. (By an independent computer expert?) No. (By someone who
works for ES&S?) Yes. http://www.blackboxvoting.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=12
51.
2002 California -
California machines that can't add: The problem in Monterey, California was that
the department's mainframe computers refused to add the results of early
absentee votes and those cast on touch-screen computers prior to Election Day.
"We didn't have any problems whatsoever during our pre-election
tests," said the elections official. http://www.blackboxvoting.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=12
52.
2002 California -
103,000 votes lost by computers in Broward County. In California, all the
"Yes" votes registered as "No." http://www.talion.com/vote-rigging.html
53.
2002 California
02/11/ - The San Francisco Chronicle Jones' investigation raised the specter of
massive inaccuracies in the November 2000 vote count -- enough to put in
question the election of some members of the Board of Supervisors...For
instance, in precinct 3213 on Russian Hill, the city reported counting 328
ballots and 327 signatures were in the roster. But when state investigators
opened the box for that precinct that city officials pulled from storage, they
found only 170 ballots. In one precinct, the major discrepancies found by Jones
seem to have existed on election night as well. In polling place 2214 in the
Western Addition, the city counted 416 ballots, but there were only 362
signatures in the roster, and the secretary of state found only 357 paper
ballots. http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
82.
2002 Texas
- In Comal County Texas, the uncanny coincidence of three winning Republican
candidates in a row tallying up exactly 18,181 votes each was called weird, but
apparently no one thought it was weird enough to audit. http://www.blackboxvoting.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=13 /
http://abclocal.go.com/ktrk/news/110802_sn_number.html
83.
2002 Texas - A
Republican landslide turned into a Democratic landslide when election officials
in Scurry County, Texas did a hand count. http://www.talion.com/vote-rigging.html
84.
2002 Texas
- (page doesn't work) ES&S machines accused of flubbing 2002 Dallas votes
Push Democrat, vote
Republican; election halted http://www.talion.com/election-machines.html
85.
2002 Texas
- When 18 machines were pulled out of action in Dallas because they registered
Republican when voters pushed Democrat, the judge quashed an effort to
investigate the accuracy of the tally. http://www.blackboxvoting.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=13
86.
2002 Texas
- But when Scurry County poll workers got suspicious about a landslide victory
for Republicans, they had a new computer chip flown in and also counted the
votes by hand — and found out that Democrats actually won by wide margins,
overturning the election. http://www.blackboxvoting.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=13
www.LynnLandes.com (215) 629-3553 / lynnlandes@earthlink.net.